全书分为上、中、下三个部分，上编和中编分别对“和谐世界”和“民主联盟”的内涵、实质、历史渊源、可行性等进行了阐述和分析，下编对“和谐世界”和“民主联盟”进行比较研究，并以东南亚国家为例，对两者的影响力进行了分析。全书旨在分析中美文化外交的区别及其根源，美国文化、意识形态在对华外交中的影响，并在此基础上提出相应的对策。
Third,when US President George W．Bush waged the Iraq War,hewas opposed to the unilateral actions of the US without the authorization ofthe Securitv Council．Moreover,he insisted that the UN solve disputes in aDeaceful way,which manifested his principle of independence．
As a resuIt．he infuriated the US government,especially the conser.vatives and the neo-conservatives,the latter of whom mounted a campaignt0 discredit the UN and the Secretary-General．The campaign is called aninvestigation of the"Oil-for-Food Scandal．"Back then,the UN imposedsanctions on Iraq．In order to protect the Iraqi people from the damage ofthe sanctions． the UN allowed Iraq to export a fraction of its oil for moneyt0 buv food and medicine for the people．The income of the oiJ export cameunder the UN control．In order to place blame on Kofi Annan,the USseized the opportunity and scrutinized possible corruption in the pro-ict．This is the so．calied oil-for．Food Scandal．"It turned out that therewas at most maladministration,and no serious corruption．In comparisonwith the US corruption in the Iraq War,this is not even worth mentioning．
SO,despite the US campaign to discredit the Secretary-General,KofiAnnan,s flarewell speech was frequently interrupted by applause．ThesDeech finished in a lengthy standing ovation．This showed the deep appre.ciation 0f most member states for Kofi Annan'S ten.year tenure, and ademonstration of opposition to the US．The media also heaped praises onhim．hailing him as the"secular Pope．"
The auestion is why so far only three Secretary-Generals have takenfull advantage 0f the moral force of this post and achieved an independentstatus．and only one has succeeded?There are two reasons according tomv first-hand observations: One is the external factor;the other is the in.ternal factor,namely,the individual factor．
……
陈健，我国著名外交官，从事外交工作四十多年。先后担任中国常驻联合国副代表，特命全权大使，外交部新闻司司长，外交部发言人，外交部部长助理，中国驻日本特命全权大使，联合国副秘书长。现任中国联合国协会会长、兼任中国人民大学国际关系学院院长。陈健不仅是一名外交官，还是一位锐意改革者，担任联合国副秘书长期间，曾大刀阔斧改革，成效卓著，被安南誉为“联合国历史上最深刻的、联合国各项改革中最富有成果的改革”。其“温和而坚定”的外交风格，给国际社会留下了深刻的印象。
CHAPTER 1
THE UN NEEDS CHINA AND CHINA NEEDS THE UN
CHAPTER 2
LOW PROFILE FOREVER
CHAPTER 3
CHINA'S CURRENT INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL
ENVIRONMENT
CHAPTER 4
OPENING SPEECH AT 2012 CHINA MODEL UNITED
NATIONS CONFERENCE
CHAPTER 5
CHINA WILL NEVER BE A SUPERPOWER
CHAPTER 6
OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES
CHAPTER 7
GIVE CHINA'S DIPLOMACY MORE ELBOW ROOM
CHAPTER 8
DIPLOMACY REQUIRES BOTH FIRMNESS AND
FLEXIBILITY; FLEXIBILITY IS NOT WEAKNESS
CHAPTER 9
WE NEED TO RESOLUTELY DEFEND OUR CORE
INTEREST, BUT NOT TO AMPLIFY IT
CHAPTER 10
MILD BUT FIRM
CHAPTER 11
TRANSPARENCY AND CONFIDENCE
CHAPTER 12
INFLUENCE IS ALLOWED, INTERFERENCE IS NOT
CHAPTER 13
FOR THE SECURITY OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION
CHAPTER 14
CHINA'S POLICIES TOWARDS ITS NEIGHBORS
CHAPTER 15
THE DEVELOPMENT OF SINO-US RELATIONS
CHAPTER 16
BIG POWER RELATIONSHIP
CHAPTER 17
REBUILDING CONSENSUS ON R2P
AFTERWORD
书单推荐
